Rahmatullah Buriro
The name of Zameer Abbasi is today taken in Sindh as a big story of corruption. In the Rs 8.05 billion case, he was kept in jail custody, news stories were run, files were opened. But as the case moved forward, another question also began to emerge. That question is less about Zameer Abbasi’s innocence or guilt, and more about the role of institutions.
We do not here wish to present arguments in defence of Zameer Abbasi. But the basic principle of justice is this: if the crime is of a collective system, why should punishment fall on one man alone? If money cannot be released by one hand, then where were the other hands?
*How Can One Man Alone Swallow Rs 8.05 Billion?*
The question is simple, but the answer is heavy. Can a single officer, all alone, release Rs 8.05 billion, eat it and digest it? In Sindh’s financial system, one man’s signature is not enough for such a huge amount. For that, a file moves, noting is done, recommendations are made, approvals are granted.
How did the key responsible officers of Sindh’s treasury, especially the Secretary Finance, release such a huge amount so quickly? Can such a huge amount be released without the review of the Chief Secretary Sindh? Is such a big financial decision possible without the review and consent of the Chief Minister Sindh?
These questions are not allegations, they are questions arising from knowledge of the system. If the answer is yes, then the system itself is such that one man can do everything, which in itself is a major administrative crime. And if the answer is no, then why were those responsible not questioned?
*Bank Transactions and the Silence of Agencies*
The second big question is of bank transactions. In today’s age, the movement of Rs 8 billion is no secret matter. The bank comes to know, a record comes into the State Bank system, the FIA, the Anti-Corruption Establishment and various agencies claim to keep an eye on such large transactions.
Then the question arises: why did information about the movement of such a huge amount not reach those institutions? If it did reach them, why was no action taken at that time? And if it did not reach them, then what is the benefit of their monitoring system?
This is the point where the case begins to look weak. Because the crime is not only of eating money, the crime is also of not keeping vigilance over it. If the watchdogs were asleep, then who will account for their sleep?
*Bail and Weak Prosecution*
On the other hand, the court is granting bail to Zameer Abbasi. Behind that, weak prosecution is also visible. The job of prosecution is not only to level allegations, but to prove allegations with evidence.
If the file is not complete, witnesses are not strong, the record of following the money is not clear, then what other option remains before the court except to grant bail? In law, bail is not acquittal of crime, but it is certainly the result of a weak case.
The question is: who made the case weak? Did the investigating agencies deliberately keep the case in such a way that one day bail would be granted? Or was there so much deficiency in investigation that the case collapsed on its own? In both situations, the loss was of the public, because the case of public money became weak before the public itself.
*Where Were the Responsible Minister and Technical Staff?*
Another important aspect is of technical staff. In development works, bills are first prepared by technical people, then they are reviewed, the measured work is verified, and then the bill is released.
In Zameer Abbasi’s case, the question is also: where was the responsible minister? Where was the responsible technical staff which, after reviewing billing, prepares and releases the bill? Was there only one signature on all bills? If not, then why did the names of the other signatories not appear in the case?
This question is important because if we declare only one man a criminal and absolve the rest of the system, then tomorrow another Zameer Abbasi will be created. The system will remain the same, the method will remain the same, only the face will change.
*Other Projects Worth Billions Tell the Same Story*
Many development works and projects worth billions are going on, but no vigilance over them is visible either. For example, funds for mother and child health are in billions, but result and record are nowhere visible. Facilities in hospitals, medicines, presence of staff and the mortality rate of mother and child all ask the question: where did the money go?
Billions of rupees in funds have come for climate change. Complaints are coming that the Finance Department has not yet released the foreign-funded amount. The Resilience programme, which the Chief Minister Sindh inaugurated a few days ago, but the amount of the project called SCRP has not been released to offices and responsible officers.
This contradiction is beyond understanding. On one side, Rs 8 billion are released quickly, on the other side an approved, foreign-funded project stands waiting for money. On one side files run, on the other side files gather dust. This difference itself tells that the problem is not of shortage of money, the problem is of priorities and intent.
*Accountant General Sindh and the Story of Bills*
Similarly, the commission allegedly taken in the matter of bills at the Accountant General Sindh is also an open secret. Contractors, officers and middlemen all know what price has to be paid to get a bill passed. It has become an open secret which no one wants to talk about.
If the system of payment of bills itself runs on commission, then how can clean payment be expected? And if that system is running, then those who run it should also be accountable.
*The Real Question: System or Man?*
Zameer Abbasi’s case shows us our face in a mirror. In it there is the name of one man, but behind it there is a whole system. In it there is one allegation, but behind it there are many silent responsible persons.
Our position is not that if others are also responsible, then one should be let off. Our position is that if others are also responsible, then all should be brought to the dock. Half justice is not justice. Half investigation is not investigation.
If the government and investigating agencies really want to end corruption, they will have to do three things. First, the complete money trail of Rs 8.05 billion should be brought before the public. Who approved, who passed the bill, who withdrew money from the bank, who benefited? Second, the statements of Secretary Finance, Chief Secretary, concerned minister and technical staff should be brought on record. Third, prosecution should be strengthened so that the case is decided not in bails but in evidence.
From Thar’s drought to mother and child health, from climate funds to the Resilience programme, everywhere there is the same story. Money comes, announcement is made, but result is not visible. The reason is that we catch people, we do not catch the system.
Whatever Zameer Abbasi’s crime may be, the court will decide it. But what the role of institutions is, history will decide it. And history will surely ask this question: when such huge amounts were being released, where were the responsible watchdogs? What were they doing?
Until an answer to that question is found, corruption cases will keep coming, bails will keep happening, and public money will keep getting lost in papers.
