Qamar Bashir
When American and Israeli bombs began falling on Iran, Tehran’s confidence appeared almost incomprehensible. Senior commanders were killed, military installations struck and overwhelming firepower brought to bear. Yet Iranian officials continued to promise resistance and eventual success. Watching those declarations, I wondered what their adversaries had failed to understand. Nearly eight months later, Iran’s continued ability to fight has given that question a compelling answer.
Iranian planners had prepared a war in which survival would sustain retaliation, retaliation would impose economic pain, and economic pain would challenge the political endurance of the attacking powers. Geography became an instrument of this strategy through deliberate military choices: where to shelter weapons, how to disperse forces, which maritime passage to threaten and how to exploit the regional dependence of an expeditionary war machine.
The first foundation was national resolve. For many Iranians, defending the homeland combines patriotic duty with moral and spiritual conviction. The belief that they are resisting aggression gives sacrifice a purpose. This human commitment sustains the personnel who maintain weapons, restore damaged facilities and keep military organizations functioning under bombardment. It gives the strategy the endurance it requires.
The first military task was to preserve the means of retaliation through the opening assault. Iran addressed that problem by placing military infrastructure underground and distributing assets across a country of approximately 1.65 million square kilometres. Its planners understood that surviving weapons could continue to shape the war after exposed installations had been destroyed.
Iran paired this physical dispersal with decentralized organization. Its “mosaic defence” doctrine seeks to sustain resistance when local formations lose contact with higher command. That principle addresses the shock of leadership losses and damaged communications. The purpose is continuity: ensuring that an assault on senior leadership does not automatically become the paralysis of the entire military machine.
The military use of its diverse locations is the essential point. Coastal surveillance, anti-ship weapons and small naval craft can exploit proximity to shipping routes. A dispersed coastal threat forces a superior navy to address risks across multiple positions while protecting commercial movement. Iran’s objective is to preserve enough threatening capability to make uninterrupted passage costly and uncertain.
Hormuz concentrates the effect. Between Iran and Oman’s Musandam Peninsula, commercial traffic follows narrow designated lanes. By threatening vessels through missiles, drones, mines and small craft, Iran has influenced the decisions of shipowners, insurers and energy traders. A credible danger has interrupted commerce before any navy has established complete command of the waterway.
The second outward application of this strategy concerns the American military presence around the Gulf. Expeditionary warfare depends on regional facilities, communications, fuel, maintenance and transport. Iranian attacks on American bases challenge the assumption that the infrastructure supporting attacks on Iran can operate safely throughout the campaign. Proximity gives Tehran opportunities to impose costs on the regional system sustaining its adversary.
Reuters’ investigation into infrastructure attacks illustrates the wider consequences. It counted at least 135 attacks by Iran and allied groups against 84 infrastructure sites across seven countries. Disruption at Fujairah, Qatar’s Ras Laffan complex and Saudi pipeline facilities showed how strikes on selected components could interrupt much larger operations. The strategic effect extends beyond the equipment struck to the services and revenues dependent upon it.
Sustaining this defensive and offensive capability requires a productive economy and access to supplies. Iran’s military use of geography is supported by its economic use of the same geographic position. Its connections with South Asia, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East provide channels for trade, industrial inputs and commercial earnings under sanctions.
This is the geographic foundation of its economic endurance. Iran borders Pakistan and Afghanistan to the east, Turkmenistan to the northeast, Armenia and Azerbaijan to the northwest, and Turkey and Iraq to the west. Turkmenistan provides its direct land connection to Central Asia. The Caspian opens a separate northern maritime connection, while ports on the Gulf of Oman face the Arabian Sea outside Hormuz.
Iran trade with Afghanistan alone stood at $3.366 billion including fuel, liquefied gas, machinery, vehicle parts and industrial materials. Pakistan supplies another economic connection. The LPG supplies to Pakistan stood at 7,000 tonnes daily. That is a documented regional market for Iranian energy products, even as border restrictions make its availability variable.
Northward, Iran’s connection through Turkmenistan links it to wider Eurasian transport networks. In November 2025, a freight train from Russia reached Iran through Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, entering Incheh Borun. Its 62 containers carried paper and related products. The cargo establishes an important fact: a functioning commercial connection can bring industrial goods into Iran without passing through Hormuz. Whereas the Caspian provides a parallel maritime connection. Iranian ports including Bandar Anzali and Amirabad link with Russian ports across the inland sea. RUSI identifies this network as important to Russia–Iran arms and technology transfers.
These connections matter in both directions. Outward trade generates earnings and maintains commercial relationships. Inward trade supplies food, machinery, raw materials and components that support domestic activity. A military-industrial system depends upon that wider productive economy. The capacity to obtain industrial inputs can support maintenance and manufacture without requiring every incoming shipment to be military cargo.
The strongest inference is therefore about diversified access. A blockade affecting southern maritime trade does not physically close every land border or the Caspian. Multiple connections widen Iran’s alternatives and complicate efforts to isolate it completely. Each corridor’s practical contribution depends on capacity, neighbouring governments and the goods moving through it.
Domestic industry turns that access into usable capacity. Iran’s defence organizations manufacture weapons and maintain existing systems, while local workers, engineering and construction materials contribute to hardened infrastructure. Decades of investment have produced facilities and stocks that serve the present war. The full cost of that accumulated preparation does not fall on eight months of wartime receipts.
The economic and military uses of geography thus reinforce one another. Regional connections help sustain the productive base; domestic industry converts resources into military capability; underground facilities protect parts of that investment; and surviving weapons impose costs on adversaries. Iran’s endurance rests on the planning that connects these functions.
This is the military ecosystem behind Iran’s endurance: protected assets, dispersed command, surviving means of retaliation and pressure on regional bases and maritime commerce. Economic corridors help sustain the resources that keep this system functioning. National commitment and military planning connect these elements into a continuing capacity to resist.
The October 26 talks in Tehran involving Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey, alongside Qatar’s mediation, offer a chance to act upon that lesson. Renewed bombardment risks repeating the assumption that another round of destruction will finally deliver submission. Diplomacy offers a route out of a cycle that military escalation has prolonged.
Iran’s resistance has made a forceful argument through endurance. Its planners have connected protection with retaliation, military survival with pressure on the adversary, and economic access with the capacity to continue fighting.
This is how geography becomes a weapon: through the decisions that turn location into sustained military power. Washington and Israel must now confront the consequence. The ability to inflict greater destruction has not delivered the ability to dictate the outcome. A lasting peace will require them to recognize the strategic capacity they expected to extinguish.
The writer is Press Secretary to the President (Rtd),Former Press Minister, Embassy of Pakistan to France ,Former Press Attaché to Malaysia and Former MD, SRBC . He is living in Michigan, USA
